Thursday, January 14, 2021

The Spanish Civil War

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The Spanish Civil War Historiographic Essay


In the years following World War I, Europe was the scene of rising political


tensions and military power struggles. With Communism gaining power in eastern


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Europe, the governments and people of the western countries began to explore different


forms of bureaucratic control of their country. Spain was no different. From 16 to


1, Spain experienced a military revolution under the guidance of General Francisco


Franco. This revolt transpired not just from a military coup, but from various political


and social reasons.


In his book, The Politics of Revenge, Paul Preston examines the Spanish Civil


War as an extension of all social and political tensions that evolved after World War I.


After World War I, the European working class began to lose faith in government and


sought out reform. It became obvious that Europeans became wearied with


bureaucracies. They felt they had too much power and were keeping the working class


restrained. People desired a better life and all over Europe governments began to see


opposition. The most significant movement was the Bolsheviks gaining power in Russia.


Preston explains that Spain had developed into "the latest battleground in an


ongoing European civil war whose previous battles had been Vienna in 14, Berlin in


1, Lisbon in 16, Rome 1" (Preston 10, 5). Preston's theory is viable in that


Europe was seemingly transformed into a theater of war within various states. But the


Spanish Civil War was more or less a military overthrow led by General Francisco


Franco. Vladimir Lenin had gained support from the military through his campaign in


Russia, but his battle was seeded in the rights of the middle class.


Preston also contends that the Spanish Civil War is often ignored when discussing


the evolution of the onset of World War II. Most of the researches done on the


beginnings of the war fail to give credence to the Spanish Civil War and its association


with the Second World War. But to neglect the Spanish Civil War in its connection to


World War II is to overlook the timing of Hitler's expansion into Poland. Preston states


that Hitler used Franco and his operations to assess the response of the Western powers to


the "vagaries of the Francoist cause." So Preston argues that the Spanish Civil War was a


gauge to the spark of Hitler's war machine (Preston 10, 5).


Another view of the cause of the Spanish Civil War was the deaths of two


political leaders. In his book Spain The Vital Years, Luis Bolin explains the rise of


General Primo de Rivera in 1 and his influence on King Alphonso and the


government. Bolin states that the King acted as a constitutional monarchy and that the


previous regime of politicians that hampered the country from effective rule. Rivera's


coup was the only alternative for King Alphonso and a military dictatorship was


established. There was no opposition from the political parties and the working classes.


Rivera was able to settle the unrest in Spain and bring it to the verge of prosperity in


10 (Bolin 167, 7-). Most of the Spanish citizens were benefited from the stability


that Rivera had brought to the country. The working class avoided labor strikes and labor


leaders had a positive association with him (Bolin 167, 7). During his seven year


reign, Rivera halted the strife that had engulfed Spain the previous decade.


However in March10, Rivera suddenly died. Bolin states that Rivera's "mild


and efficient dictatorship would have saved the Monarchy and avoided the armed strife


that broke out in 16" (Bolin 167, ). So Bolin believes that Rivera could have saved


Spain from civil war and Franco's dictatorship. After his death, Rivera's successors tried


to highlight his mistakes and put the blame on the King. The following succession of


leaders attempted to bury Rivera and his work in the past. Bolin states that "there was no


attempt to continue the work that had brought Spain to almost unprecedented heights of


prosperity and internal peace" (Bolin 167, 10). The new leadership of the government


could have invested in Rivera's enterprises, but through selfishness and egotism failed to


advance Spain's position of welfare.


Another figure that Bolin contends, whose death led to the Spanish Revolution


was Calvo Sotelo. Sotelo occupied to position of minister of finance under Rivera and


was very proficient in economic and administrative procedures. He was able to forge


plans that helped Spain through the world-wide depression and aided the country in


developing ordinances. Bolin states that he "was as much at ease when balancing the


budget as when drafting municipal and provincial statutes comparable to the best in any


land" (Bolin 167, 141). This illustrates the importance of Sotelo in regards to the


Spanish government.


But Sotelo eventually became leader of the Right-wing opposition in the Spanish


Parliment. He enjoyed the privilege to attend all meetings and participate vigorously in


the matters of the state (Bolin 167, 141). Sotelo was a very important and critical figure


to the country and because of his influences and his devotion to the Right, he was


threatening to his opposition. Therefore Sotelo was kidnapped and murdered. Sotelo was


taken from his apartment at 00 a.m. on July 1, 16. Four men that identified


themselves as members if the Civil Guard, accompanied him from his apartment. The


men put him in a van and took their seats alongside him. A gunman then fired two


point-blank shots to Sotelo's neck and he was killed instantly (Bolin 167, 1-). The


Republican government tried the usual cover-up but there were too many witnesses


(Bolin 167, ). They had eliminated a key figure of opposition to their cause. Thus


with the deaths of two prominent figures of Spanish constitutional government, the


Franco's movement had separated key components of resistance.


Stanley Payne argues that the weakened state of the middle class along with


divisions formed within the Republican government were the prime causes that initiated


the Spanish Civil War. In his book The Spanish Revolution, Payne argues that during the


months leading to the revolution the Spanish middle classes were numb to the events


unfolding within the country. He claims that even though the economy was in a


downward spiral, the divisions of middle class leadership and numerous factions within


the political realm could offer no viable response to the revolution (Payne 170, 16). In


a state of weakened government, a military coup is simplified.


Payne points out that "revolutionaries were actually hoping to provoke the Army


to revolt so as to force it into an indefensible role in which its antileftist elements might


be destroyed, leaving the middle classes without protection and opening the way to a


leftist takeover" (Payne 170, 16). This premise accounts for the fact that the


revolutionaries were presuming that the divisions of government would rely on the army


to protect the symmetry of the nation, but the leftist knew they would sway the army to


their side.


Payne states that "the left Republican leaders soon sank into almost absolute


paralysis" (Payne 170, 1). He claims that if the Republican leaders had made an


effort to uphold the constitution and maintain the integrity of the state that the revolution


might not have occurred. This was because only half of the army had joined in the


revolt. Most of the Nay, Air Force, and police force had remained faithful (Payne 170,


1). So if the Republicans had acted swiftly and astutely, the entire course of Spanish


history would have been altered.


Though the Spanish Civil War was a bloody military coup, it was shaped from


various reasons. The social tensions in all of Europe, the deaths of two prominent


Spanish political figures, and the instability of the government led to the revolution.


General Franco's takeover and subsequent dictatorship were aided by these


circumstances.


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